From World War I Document Archive
APPENDIX
DESPATCH FROM THE BRITISH AMBASSADOR AT ROME CONTAINING A REPORT OF A SPEECH DELIVERED ON THE 5th DECEMBER, 1914, BY SIGNOR GIOLITTI, FORMERLY PRIME MINISTER OF ITALY.
No. 1
From: Sir Rennell Rodd, British Ambassador at Rome
To: Sir Edward Grey, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
Rome, December 6, 1914
Sir,
With reference to my despatch of yesterday’s date reporting the vote of confidence in the Government recorded in the Italian Chamber, I have the honour to inform you that in his speech which closed the discussion, Signor Giolitti stated, in illustration and justification of the attitude of Italy in separating herself from her allies and remaining neutral, that on the 9th August, 1913, being himself absent from Rome, he had received a telegram from the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the late Marquis di San Giuliano, to the following effect:–
“Austria has communicated to us and to Germany her intention of taking action against Servia, and defines such action as defensive, hoping to bring into operation the casus foederis of the Triple Alliance, which, on the contrary, I believe to be inapplicable. I am endeavouring to arrange for a combined effort with Germany to prevent such action on the part of Austria, but it may become necessary to state clearly that we do not consider such action, if it should be taken, as defensive, and that therefore we do not consider that the casus foederis arises.”
Signor Giolitti’s answer was as follows:–“If Austria intervenes against Servia it is clear that a casus foederis cannot be established. It is a step which she is taking on her own account, since there is no question of defence, inasmuch as no one is thinking of attacking her. It is necessary that a declaration to this effect should be made to Austria in the most formal manner, and we must hope for action on the part of Germany to dissuade Austria from this most perilous adventure.”
This, he said, was done, and the action of Italy in no respect disturbed her relations with her allies. He explained this point in order to make it clear in the eyes of Europe that Italy had acted with entire loyalty, as she would do to the end.
It is interesting to notice that it was on the following day, the 10th August, that the peace of Bucharest, against which Austria was disposed to promulgate reserves, was signed.
(Signed) RENNELL RODD.
No. 2
Speech of Signor Giolitti before the Italian Chamber of Deputies on the 5th December, 1914.
(Translated from the Official Report of the Proceedings of the Chamber.)
SIGNOR GIOLITTI: The President of the Council, when speaking of the declaration of neutrality made by Italy on the outbreak of war, recalled the fact that this decision was the subject of heated debates and divided counsels but that later, both in Italy and abroad, the view gradually prevailed that we were only exercising a right secured to us.
Therefore, inasmuch as I hold it necessary that Italy’s loyal observance of international treaties shall be considered as being above any possibility of dispute–(Hear, hear)–I feel it my duty to recall a precedent, which proves that the interpretation placed by the Government on the Treaty of the Triple Alliance is the correct interpretation, and was admitted as correct in identical circumstances by the Allied Powers.
During the Balkan War, on the 9th August, 1913, about a year before the present war broke out, during my absence from Rome, I received from my hon. colleague, Signor di San Giuliano, the following telegram:–
“Austria has communicated to us and to Germany her intention of taking action against Servia, and defines such action as defensive, hoping to bring into operation the casus foederis of the Triple Alliances I which, on the contrary, I believe to be inapplicable.
(Sensation.)
“I am endeavouring to arrange for a combined effort with Germany to prevent such action on the part of Austria, but it may become necessary to state clearly that we do not consider such action, if it should be taken, as defensive, and that, therefore, we do not consider that the casus foederis arises.
“Please telegraph to me at Rome if you approve.”
I replied:–
“If Austria intervenes against Servia it is clear that a casus foederis cannot be established. It is a step which she is taking on her own account, since there is no question of defence, inasmuch as no one is thinking of attacking her. It is necessary that a declaration to this effect should be made to Austria in the most formal manner, and we must hope for action on the part of Germany to dissuade Austria from this most perilous adventure.” (Hear, hear.)
This course was taken, and our interpretation was upheld and recognised as proper since our action in no way disturbed our relations with the two Allied Powers. The declaration of neutrality made by the present Government conforms therefore in all respects to the precedents of Italian policy, and conforms also to an interpretation of the Treaty of Alliance which has been already accepted by the Allies.
I wish to recall this, because I think it right that in the eyes of all Europe it should appear that Italy has remained completely loyal to the observance of her pledges. (Loud applause.)
I should like now to make a very short statement in explanation of my vote on this question. I approve the Government’s programme of an armed and vigilant neutrality for the guardianship of the vital interests of Italy. The Honourable President of the Council said truly that the vast upheaval becomes greater every day, and that it is given to none to foresee the end. The immense military and financial resources which the belligerent Powers have at their disposal exclude the possibility of an early termination of the conflict. As long as the necessity does not arise for us to come down into the arena to preserve our own vital interests, we ought all loyally to observe neutrality, since it is only by such loyal observance that we can preserve intact that great source of strength which is freedom of action. (Loud applause.)
In this conflict, which is without precedent in history, the political life of Italy may be at stake. The greatest prudence is therefore incumbent on all; and it is incumbent above all, not only on the Government and on Parliament, but also on that great force, the Press–(Hear, hear)–to keep a single eye to the great interests of Italy and to remember only that they are Italians. (Loud applause.)
In conclusion, I hope from the bottom of my heart that the men who at this supreme moment have the responsibility of Government may deserve the full gratitude of the country. (Loud cheers and applause, during which many Deputies went up to the speaker and congratulated him )
