BOOKS OF JEREMIAH

The Sancak of Prizren in the 15th and 16th Century

15. ve 16. Yüzyılda Prizren Sancağı

Tatjana Katić*

Abstract

The sancak of Prizren is one of the few sancaks in the Balkans that for most of its existence did not have an integral territory. It was divided into two disconnected areas. Southern one covered the wider surroundings of Prizren and the regions of north-eastern Albania and was inhabited by mixed Albanian-Serb-Vlach population. Northern one stretched over the area between the rivers Lim and Ibar and was inhabited by Serb-Vlach population. Prizren, the center of sancak, the town with a long tradition and the capital during the reign of Tsar Dušan, eventually became a typical oriental town which economic progress can be attributed to a favorable position at the crossroads of important trade routes. This paper presents a summary of our finding on the formation and development of the sancak of Prizren in the 15th and 16th century. Based on Tapu Tahrir and Maliye defters, and other Ottoman and Western sources, we have attempted to point out the changes in the sancak’s size, the general features of the settlements, the ethnic and religious composition of the population and main demographic and economic trends.
Keywords: Prizren, sancak, defter, migrations, islamization.

Özet

Prizren sancağı, Balkanlarda mevcudiyetinin büyük bir kısmında toprak bütünlüğüne sahip olmayan nadir sancaklardan biridir. Bu sancak, birbirlerinden uzak iki bölgeye ayrılmıştır. Güney kısmı Prizren’in geniş bir çevresini, Arnavutluk’un kuzeydoğu kesimlerini kapsamaktaydı ve Arnavut-Sırp-Eflak karışımı bir nüfus ile meskûndu. Kuzey kısmı Lim ve Ibar nehirleri arasındaki bölgede uzanıyordu ve Sırp-Eflak nüfus ile meskûndu. Sancak merkezi, uzun geleneğe sahip bir şehir ve Imparator Duşan’ın payitahtı olan Prizren, zamanla tipik bir doğulu şehir haline geldi. Önemli ticaret yollarının kavşağında olması şehrin ekonomik gelişimini kolaylaştırmaktaydı. Bu çalışma, 15. ve 16. yüzyıllarda Prizren sancağının oluşumu ve gelişimini hulasa olarak sunmaktadır. Bu çalışmada Tapu Tahrir ve Maliye defterleri, diğer Osmanlı ve batılı kaynaklar esas olmak üzere sancağın sınır değişimlerini, yerleşim birimlerinin genel karakterini, nüfusun etnik ve dini yapısını ve başlıca demografik ve ekonomik temayülleri ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Prizren, sancak, defter, göçler, Islamlaşma

Introduction

The sancak of Prizren was located in the southern part of the Central Balkans, in the area surrounded by the Šar Mountains and the Black Drin River in the south, the mountains Jadovnik, Javor and Golija in the north, the rivers Lim in the west and Ibar in the east. It encompassed the areas the Ottomans gradually conquered from the late 14th until the mid-15th century, and that, for the most part, belonged to Serbian nobleman Vuk Branković. Prizren, the old medieval town and the capital of Dušan’s Empire, the seat of the sancak, continued its development under the Ottomans as a strong regional economic, political and cultural center. Over time, it began resembling a real oriental town and kept its multi-ethnic and multi-confessional character until recently.

Rich Ottoman heritage of Prizren has drawn the attention of many scholars, who began researching the very town as well as the sancak as a whole. Among them Hasan Kaleši1, Olga Zirojević2 and Machiel Kiel3 are worth mentioning. The edition of detailed cadastral survey of the sancak of Prizren in 1571 as well as numerous articles published in recent years have contributed to a better understanding of certain areas of the sancak, its establishing, economic strength, and more.4

This paper discusses the formation and development of the Prizren sancak in the 15th and 16th century. According to our research, based for the most part on the Tapu Tahrir and Maliye defters, as well as on the documents from other series of Başbakanlık Arşivi, we tried to accentuate the changes in the size of the sancak, general features of the settlements and its population, and the main demographic trends. Attention is also paid to economic activities, thanks to which the local population benefitted.

The Ottoman Conquest of Prizren

Historiography is yet to resolve the question of when Prizren eventually fell under the Ottoman rule and became the center of the newly established sancak. The generally accepted opinion that it occured in June 1455, after Sultan Mehmed II Fatih conquered the mine Novo Brdo, is based on a single fact from Serbian chronicles.5 Since the original chronicles no longer exist, and there is only a transcript from the 17th century, it is assumed that the fact comes from scribes’ interpolation. In fact, during the conquest of Novo Brdo, a nearby fort with a similar name, Prizrenac, whose purpose was to protect the mine, was conquered as well. Ottoman chroniclers describing Fatih’s campaign listed each of the conquered fortresses, but not Prizren.6

Several sources confirm the fact that Prizren was under the Ottoman rule prior to June 1455. In the detailed survey of frontier vilayets under Isa Bey Ishakoglu from 1452/53, the Prizren Fortress is said to be in the Ottoman possession.7 The list of arms and supplies in the fort Sobri near Tetovo includes “raincoats arrived from Prizren 37 [pieces]” and “bows holders arrived from Prizren 47 [pieces].”8 The sancak of Prizren and the nahiye of Prizren are mentioned in defter of voynuks compiled at the beginning of March 1455, two months before the alleged Ottoman conquest of Prizren.9

Shortly after the Battle of Kosovo in 1389 the Ottomans took control of the road that led from Macedonia to Bosnia and ran through the territory of Vuk Branković, under whose rule Prizren was at the time.10 At the end of 1391 Pasha Yiğit Bey, conquered Skopje, which also belonged to Vuk Branković. Skopje became the starting point for attacks north and west of the Šar Mountains in the direction of Serbia, Bosnia and Albania. Well-informed chronicler Ibn Kemal, who, in detail, described the conquest of Skopje, did not mention Prizren in the fourth book of his History of the Ottoman Dynasty.11 Since it covers events up to and immediately after the Battle of Angora in 1402, we conclude that the town was in Serbian posession. The fact that there was a truce from 1392 to 1396 between Vuk Branković and Sultan Bayezid supports
the claim. After the outbreak of new conflicts and death of Vuk Branković in the fall of 1397, Bayezid I took a part of his land for himself, giving one part to Stefan Lazarević, and one part to Vuk’s widow and children for support. Based on the charters issued by the Serbian rulers for Hilandar monastery, it is assumed that Metohija region, including the town of Prizren, belonged to Stefan Lazarević.12

After the Battle of Angora in 1402, the history of the Ottoman Empire was marked by conflicts among the Ottoman princes and in Serbia by the conflicts between the families Lazarević and Branković. When Sultan Mehmed I (1413-1421) came to the throne, the situation settled down. George, the son of Vuk Branković, came to terms with despot Stefan Lazarević, and became a vassal of Mehmed I. George did not govern the region of his father independently. Turkish garrisons, kadıs, customs officers, emins, and others, were in mining towns, cities and fortresses of Vuk’s land (Vılk-ili), in Zvečan, Jeleč, Gluhavica, Trgovište, Trepča and Priština.13

During the reign of Sultan Murad II (1421-1444, 1446-1451) the Ottoman Empire continued to expand its territory in the Balkans. In 1427 Turks went to war with the Serbian Despotate and deprived it of the region of Pomoravlje, Timok area and fortress Golubac on the Danube. In the same year Despot Stefan Lazarević passed away and George Branković succeeded to his throne. He had to pay increased tribute to territorially smaller state. It is supposed that he was holding Prizren, although the real power in Vılk-ili was in the hands of the sultan.14 Subsequently the focus of the Ottoman military actions was transferred to Greece and Albania. In 1430 the Turks conquered Thessaloniki and then went to Epirus. At the same time ucbeyi Ishak Bey broke into northern Albania, where he conquered several towns of Ivan Kastriot and land of Tan Dukagjin.15

Territorial conquests of the Ottoman Empire, achieved in the period from 1427 to 1430, led to the implementation of the new cadastral census.16 It is almost certain that it was at this time that the regions south and west of Prizren: Opolje, Gora, Paštrik, Rudina and Radovina were directly controlled by the Ottomans. Specifically, these areas were listed in 1452/53 as parts of the military-administrative units Paštrik vilayet, with the total revenue of 150.000 akçes, for which it was explicitly stated that they had been collected before, in accordance with an earlier order.17 This means that the compiler of the census from 1452/53 had insight into the older defter of the same area, probably from the thirties of the 15th century. According to the summary census of Vılk-ili of May 145518 Hazim Šabanović concluded that it was fully annexed to the Ottoman Empire prior to the mid-15th century.19

In 1433 George Branković had to renounce certain parts of the Despotate and to send his daughter Mara, with a big dowry, to the sultan’s harem.20 All this did not dissuade Sultan Murad II from his intention to fully integrate the remaining vassal states in the Balkans. Smederevo was conquered in 1439 and the mine Novo Brdo in 1441.21 During this period, if not earlier, Prizren was seized. We assume that Prizren remained under the Ottoman rule even after the restoration of Despotate in 1444, and that the towns that Murad II then returned to the Despot were precisely those which his son Mehmed conquered a few years later, such as Novo Brdo, Lipljan, Trepča, Brvenik and Bihor.

The Territory and Military Forces of the Prizren Sancak

Prizren was, apparently, conquered in the first period of the reign of Sultan Murad II. We cannot say with certainty whether it immediately became the seat of the new sancak or whether it was temporarily under the authority of the Skopje frontier leader, just like the entire land that belonged to Vuk Branković.

The earliest mention of the sancak of Prizren, for now, is from the beginning of March 1455. Based on it we can only conclude that it encompassed a part of Vuk Branković’s lands, while the other part belonged to the Vučitrn sancak.22 The picture becomes a little clearer on the basis of a summary census of 1477.23 Defter is unfortunately incomplete; the title is missing, as well as the majority of the first half. The preserved pages contain only information about the villages in the areas between Kosovska Mitrovica and Istok (Suho Grlo zeamet), Djakovica and Peć (Dečani zeamet), and regions south of Djakovica, between the White Drin River and the Prokletije Mountains (Altun-ili zeamet).24 Then come the villages in the area between the rivers Ibar and Lim (Trgovište and Bihor zeamets), and north and south-east of
Novi Pazar (Brvenik zeamet).25 Vlach villages in the Pešter plateau, in Bihor, in Kosovo around Priština, Suva Reka and elsewhere are registered as well. All were grouped into the zeamet of the Vlachs of Vılk-ili.26

The above mentioned, however incomplete, scope of the Prizren sancak was changing in the years after the conquest of Skadar, in 1479, when the villages of Suho Grlo, Dečani and Altun-ili zeamets were permanently attached to the newly established sancak of Skadar.27 Thus the territory of the Prizren sancak was divided into northern and southern part.

Brvenik area remained part of the Prizren sancak only up to the time of Sultan Selim I (1512-1520), when it was ceded to the Zvornik sancakbeyi in order to strengthen his position against the Hungarians.28

Summary register dated 1518 is the earliest complete census of the sancak of Prizren, based on which we can accurately determine its territory.29 Almost all enlisted villages were registered in the defters in the 16th century so it can be concluded that the Prizren sancak got its final form at the time of Sultan Selim I. The organization of nahiyes was the only entity that changed, but the territory remained the same, more or less.

In 1518 the district of Prizren was divided into the subdistricts (nahiyes) of Prizren, Vlachs of Prizren, Vlachs of Vuk’s land, Bihor, Trgovište and Štavica that belonged to the kaza of Prizren and kaza of Bihor as well as nahiyes of Gora, Opolje, Paštrik, Domštica, Rudina, Radovina and Debar, which belonged to the kaza of the Albanian hases.30

In the following decade the nahiyes of the Prizren Vlachs and the Vlachs of Vuk Branković’s land were disbanded due to transition of the Vlachs to the class of reaya. Vlach villages were merged with nahiyes where they were situated, mostly to the nahiye of Prizren but also to the Trgovište and Bihor nahiyes. A small number of their settlements were subjected to the nahiyes of Vučitrn and Skadar sancaks. Some villages were deserted because their population moved to the areas where the Vlach privileges were still in force. These changes were registered in the census of Rumelia in 1530.31

In the forties of the 16th century the nahiye of Štavica ceased to exist as an administrative unit; Štavica villages were annexed to the nahiye of Trgovište. Also a number of villages of the Prizren nahiye were separated and established a new nahiye centered at Hoča.32

In the sixties of the 16th century, another subdistrict was formed – Žežna, consisting of only 19 villages, mainly from the Prizren nahiye and several villages from the Vučitrn and Bosna sancaks. This nahiye as a whole belonged to the sultan’s has and mine Žežna on the mountain Rogozna.33

All of the above changes occurred within the territory of the sancak established in 1518. The only temporary, territorial change was joining the kaza of the Albanian hases to the sancak of Dukadjin in the first years of the reign of Sultan Selim II.34 According to defter dating from 1571 the sancak of Prizren was reduced to four large nahiyes of Prizren, Hoča, Bihor and Trgovište, and a small fifth nahiye of Žežna.35 In the next defter dated 1591 the Albanian hases were again registered as a part of the Prizren sancak.36 The sancak of Prizren during its entire existence belonged to the Rumelia eyalet.

Prizren district did not have an integral territory. Between the nahiyes of Prizren, Hoča and those belonging to the Albanian hases in the south and the nahiyes in the north (Bihor, Trgovište and Žežna) there were areas governed by sancakbeyis of Skadar, Vučitrn and Bosna. Even the nahiyes themselves were not compact; in the Prizren nahiye there were several villages linked to the nahiye of Priština (the Vučitrn sancak), and in the Trgovište and Žežna nahiyes there were villages subjected to the nahiyes of Zvečan, Jeleč and Vrače (the sancak of Bosna).

Provincial army consisted of personal retinue of sancakbeyi and timarli sipahi cavalry, as well as of members of semi-military units, mainly voynuks. The size of governor’s retinue (kapu) depended on his income. Prizren sancakbeyi, as a commander of the strategically less important district, disposed with substantially lower sum of money than sancakbeyis on the border of the Empire.37

The number of sipahis in the sancak of Prizren, during most of the 16th century, almost did not change at all; it was about 270 men.38 The actual number of sipahi cavalry, in terms of their revenues and obligation to equip cebelis was approximately double.

Under the command of the Prizren sancakbeyi were voynuks – Christian soldiers, who were previously in the service of medieval rulers. They came from the strata of fine nobility, free peasants and the Vlachs (Eflaks). According to the defter of voynuks in 1455, there were 100 voynuks, 2 lagators and 201 yamaks in the sancak of Prizren.39 Voynuks were horsemen, equipped with light armor (cebe) or without it, armed with a spear, sword and shield.40 Prizren voynuks were recruited mostly among the Vlachs. Some of the voynuk villages were named as Vlach katuns in the Serbian medieval sources.41 Some others were organized in the zeamet of the Vlachs of Vılk-ili in 1477, i.e. the nahiyes of the Prizren Vlachs and the Vlachs of Vılk-ili in 1518.42

According to the summary register of 1518, voynuks lived in the villages on the western slopes of the mountain Crnoljeva, north of Prizren and in the villages around Hoča.43 Census recorded them as “black voynuks” because they wore black suits made of cloth and special fur hats. However, the same source indicates that some of them had already become reaya.44 According to the mufassal defter of the mid-16th century, in the surrounding of Prizren there were only four men with voynuk status.45 Until the next census in 1571, they were turned into reaya as well, and the only trace of their existence had been preserved in a note to one mezraa, stating that it had previously “belonged to disbanded voynuks“.46

The situation was different in the northern regions of the sancak in which the population with “vlach” status was very large. In the mid-16th century in the nahiye of Trgovište there were 600 voynuk households (hâne), 115 bachelors and 11 voynuk widows. Most of them lived in villages in the Pešter plateau, then in the vicinity of Novi Pazar, Rožaje and Tutin.47 In the nahiye of Bihor there were less voynuks – 208 hâne, 44 müccered and 4 bîve.48

The total of 982 taxpayers with voynuk status in the nahiyes of Trgovište and Bihor paid the same taxes in the same amount of money as well as their neighbors with reaya status. This fact suggests that the mid-16th century voynuks were no longer part of the combat units but of auxiliary forces; they performed the service of securing the roads, mines, mints etc. Thanks to carrying out those tasks they were exempted from avariz-i divaniyye ve tekâlif-i örfiyye.49 The process of abolishing voynuk organization affected these two areas as well, as in the register TD 368 in many places they were entered as “disbanded” (mensûh). By the time of the next census in 1571 voynuks as a distinct social class in the territory of the Prizren sancak definitely disappeared.

Settlements and Population

The sancak of Prizren, viewed through the prism of the settlements, was purely a rural area. On its territory there were about 700 villages, out of which 70% had up to 25 taxpayers (including total hânes, mücerreds and bîves); only 10% had more than 75 taxpayers. The number of empty villages and mezraas was negligible. Almost all the villages existed in the pre-Ottoman period. As we were able to follow them through the Ottoman censuses from 1477 to the end of the 16th century, they were continuously inhabited and preserved their medieval names to this day, with minor changes. They are in most cases within the borders of the old areas, because they were founded on the most appropriate geographical locations. All this is testimony to the continuity of the settlements and population.

In the southern parts of the Prizren sancak lived mixed Serb-Albanian population. The Prizren nahiye, except for the town of Prizren, and a few villages along the White Drin River, was inhabited almost exclusively by the Serbian population. The nahiye of Hoča was also predominantly populated by Serbs, with numerous Albanian villages along the White Drin.50 The kaza of the Albanian hases was inhabited exclusively by Albanians, and only the nahiye of Gora was inhabited by Serbs. Mitar Pešikan came to these conclusions after a comparative examination of homonyms and place names in the Serbian medieval charters and Ottoman defters.51 The same is confirmed by our research of detailed census of the sancak of Prizren. Although the conclusions above were gained through the study of homonymy, which is often challenged as an
indicator of ethnicity, in the case of the Prizren sancak it is very reliable. Specifically, in the 16th century there was an extreme dominance of traditional (folk) names of both the Serbs and Albanians at the expense of Christian names. As there is a sharp contrast between the Serbian and Albanian folk names there is no doubt about ethnicity.52

Northern parts of the Prizren district were the Serbian ethnic area, namely the Serb-Vlach, where the adjective “Vlach” should be perceived as a status and not as an ethnic marker.

The Vlachs are romanized Balkan peoples who withdrew to the mountains or the fortified towns of the Adriatic Sea due to the Slavs’ attacks in the 6th century. Those who settled in the mountains had adjusted to their new environment and started breeding cattle. As mountain farmers they were forced to have permanent contacts with the population in lowland, which led to their symbiosis, bilingualism and finally drowning in another ethnic community. Since there were limited opportunities of demographic development in the mountains this resulted relatively quickly in overpopulation. Thus, the Vlachs went to the adjacent lower areas inhabited by Slavs and entered the service of rulers, nobles and monasteries as soldiers, shepherds and grooms.53 Given that the Vlachs engaged in special services (caravan trade, horse-breeding etc) in the Slavic milieu, that milieu transferred their ethnic name to all those who engaged in these and similar services. This is how the name of Vlachs already in the Middle Ages became “vlachs” – the name of a particular social group that included both romanized as non-romanized population of the Balkans. All those who supported themselves from “vlach services”, as in the social status of the original Vlachs, were named the Vlachs.54 The Ottomans adopted the “vlachs”, together with their legal status, and incorporated it into their social and military system. Under the name of “vlachs” they often implied to Serbs, as they, when it comes to the area north of the Šar Mountains, became so over the centuries of assimilation process.55

The Vlachs in the Ottoman service were soldiers, guards of borders and roads, participants in caravan trade and, as the most mobile part of the population, the colonizers of deserted areas.56

When the “vlach” status was abolished, which was a gradual process that took place in the sancak of Prizren from the twenties to the seventies of the 16th century, only the Vlach elders – knezes and primikürs retained the privileges because they had certain duties. The main tasks were to assist the Ottoman officials in collecting taxes, to protect and preserve the territory entrusted to them and to prevent migrations of people so that the state would not lose tax revenue. Judging by the defters, knez’s patents and other documents, knezes were most prevalent in the nahiyes of Trgovište (12 men) and Bihor (4 men), for the simple reason that the locals kept “vlach” status the longest.57

The Town of Prizren

The only urban settlement in the Prizren sancak was Prizren itself. At the time of the Ottoman conquest, it was a completely established and developed medieval town, the seat of the diocese. In addition to the fortress, in which the sovereign residence was probably located, there was a civil settlement in which there were “palaces” of the lords and houses of ordinary citizens. There were several Orthodox and Catholic churches, at least three bridges, a mint, a customs office, a chandlery, etc. There was also a kind of water supply and sewage system, as well as a network of canals for irrigation of agricultural land outside the town. Several market-places intended for the sale of various products existed. The main market was on the left bank of the Bistrica58 while the other markets were next to the Episcopal Church of the Holy Virgin of
Ljeviš (Bogorodica Ljeviška), on the right bank of the Bistrica, in the town’s main streets and colonies of foreign merchants, mostly Ragusians. Four times a year there were big fairs (panagürs). Prizren was an important medieval crafts and trade center, famous for its production of silk and gold jewelry. According to the Founding Charter of the Holy Archangels Monastery several goldsmiths lived in the town and gold was panned somewhere in the Prizren area. Some Ottoman sources indicate existence of mine near Koriša village, in the vicinity of Prizren.59

The identity of Prizren gradually changed under the Ottoman rule. The new masters first marked the town with the visible symbols of their ideology. The most prominent Christian edifice, the Cathedral of Bogorodica Ljeviška, was turned into a mosque, and outside the town on the road towards Djakovica, next to musala, a dervish lodge was built. Other Islamic buildings erected by the end of the 15th century were mescids of Sinan the Scribe and Jakub Bey, both built on the right bank of the Bistrica and two hammams of Ahmed Bey, the grandson of Evrenos Bey.60 While we do not know anything about Sinan, for Jakub Bey we know that he was a rikabdar of Mehmed the
Conqueror and that he also performed duty as dizdar of the Prizren Fortress. He built a mosque in one of the commercial areas of the town that would soon become known as mahalle of Jakub Bey or mahalle-i Çarşı.61 The location of hammams of Ahmed Bey, who also built 80 shops in Prizren, remains unknown.

During the 16th century Prizren acquired more and more oriental features. The following were built: about 8 mescids, 3 mosques, 3 mektebs, 1 medrese, a library, a hammam, 3 karavansarays and 2 bridges. We shall not elaborate on these edifices and their founders as it has already been written about them.62 We will highlight only the most important vakıfs, family members of Dukadjini and Kuka.

Ahmed Bey Dukagjinzade (Grand Vizier 1514-1515), grandson of the famous nobleman Dukagjin, built a mescid in the mahalle of the Old i.e. Friday mosque (Bogorodica Ljeviška Cathedral).63 His son, Mehmed Bey Dukagjinzade was Skadar sanjakbeyi around 1571 when he bequeathed a significant sum of 340.000 akçes for the construction of mescid and medrese in Prizren.64 Until 1573 the mescid was transformed into a mosque with a large dome, which later became known as the Bayrakli Mosque. The entire endowment of Mehmed Pasha Dukagjinzade in Prizren also included mekteb, çift hamam, a library, and later the founder’s tomb. All of these buildings still exist today.65

The founder of the family Kuka was Iliyas Kuka, after whom a Prizren mahalle was named in the early 16th century.66 He built a mescid which was later rebuilt by his grandson Kukli Mehmed Bey (died in 1555/56), son of Hızır (Hayruddin) Kuka.67 Mehmed, sancakbeyi of Skadar and Prizren, it is assumed, built dozens of buildings from Skadar and Lješ to Skopje.68 In Prizren he built three karavansarays, a mosque and a mescid. Also he endowed more than 100 shops, several mills, gardens, meadows and cash for their maintenance.69

In the first 150 years of the Ottoman rule Prizren had not seen significant population growth. According to some estimates, the town had between 2.000 and 2.500 inhabitants before the Ottoman conquest, while the number ranged between 2.500 and 3.500 in the 16th century.70

By the end of the 16th century Prizren mainly spread to the right bank of the Bistrica (in Kurila, where in the 14th century, there were vineyards and in Ljeviško field), as well as on both sides of the river downstream. New mahalles which were formed as a result of conversion of the local Christians and the influx of settlers, were established in addition to, or in the area of the existing mahalles. This contributed to members of different ethnic and religious communities living together in many parts of the town. The exception was the former suburbium (Podgrađe) below the fortress where the dominant Christian population clustered around several Orthodox and Catholic churches.71

In 1571 in old Podgrađe there were five Serbian mahalles (Stari Pazar, Nikola Mamzić, Vasilj Radomir and Pridvorica), a mixed Serb-Albanian mahalle (Bogoj the Fisherman) and one Albanian (Panteliya).72

Christian mahalles were also on the right bank of the Bistrica, three being Albanian: Kurila also named Kuka, Sinan the Scribe and Ayas Luka also named Izkućan, and one Serbian – mahalle-i Çarşı also named Petar Nikola.73 Muslim mahalles were mostly located on the right bank of the Bistrica, two around the former Church of Bogorodica Ljeviška (mahalle of the Old Mosque and Ljeviša mahalle), four in the vicinity of Bazaar (Çarşı also named Jakub Bey, Ayas Bey, Hacı Kasım and Sinan the Scribe), and one in place of Kurila. Tanners’ mahalle was located on the outskirts of the town and encompassed both sides of theBistrica.74

Islamization and Migrations

The population of the Prizren district was predominantly Christian. Conversion to Islam was gradual and by the end of the 16th century it did not assume large proportions; also the intensity of islamization was not the same in all regions.

The earliest census of 1477 did not register a single Muslim household, which fits into the overall picture made by defeters of the 15th century, for other areas of the Balkans.75 In the twenties of the 16th century in the sancak of Prizren there were less than 2% of the Muslims. Almost all Muslims lived in the town of Prizren (30% of total registered) and in the immediate vicinity.76

The successive registers of the Prizren sancak show that only in Prizren and its wider surroundings there were Muslims in a significant percentage. In the mid-16th century, when the largest number of converts was recorded in Prizren77, there were 45% of Muslims, among the overall registered people78, and the number reached 50% in 1571.79

It is interesting that none of 150 converts kept their fathers’ Christian names. It is almost as if they wanted to, as soon as possible, embrace the new religious and social identity and drown in the Muslim milieu. This was not the case with converts in the country. They often kept their Christian patronyms in order to be identified before the Ottoman authorities. Such examples were found in the census of 1571, for both the Serbs and Albanians.80 The reason is probably that they were living in a predominantly Christian environment, with close relatives and neighbors who had not converted to Islam.

Islamization of Prizren surrounding was most visible in the nahiye of Opolje. Up to the twenties of the 16th century there were 2,3% Muslims81 and in mid-century, already 19,5%.82 At the same time (around 1550) in other nahiyes of the Albanian hases the percentage of Muslims was low – Rudina 0,8%, Gora and Domštica 2%, Radovina 3% and Paštrik 4%. According to the defter from 1571, there were 82% of Muslims among the overall registered people in Opolje.83

Until 1571 number of Muslims in the whole sancak, without the kaza of the Albanian hases, was approximately 9%. According to our research there were about 15,000 taxpayers out of which something less than 1400 Muslims. In the nahiye of Žežna there were no Muslims; in the nahiye of Trgovište there were about 3%, in Bihor about 8%, in the villages of the Prizren nahiye, without the town of Prizren, 9%, while in the nahiye of Hoča there were 11%.

Demographic changes on the entire territory of the sancak of Prizren performed mostly in the same way. A population decline is everywhere visible in the early decades of the reign of Sultan Süleyman Kanuni. The census from the mid-16th century (TD 368) registers the deficit of population relative to that of the twenties of the 16th century in the following nahiyes: Bihor (14%), Gora (19%), Domštica (20%), Paštrik (21,5%), Prizren (22%), Hoča (28%), Rudina (30%), Trgovište (30%), while in nahiyes of Radovina and Opolje the population stagnated. In the census of 1571 the population more or less returned to the previous level.

There were several reasons for the demographic decline. One of them is the plague brought by the Ottoman army during the campaign to Belgrade in 1521 that in the next couple of years spread across the entire Balkan Peninsula.84 Floods of the White Drin, quite common in the section of the nahiye of Hoča, could also be the cause of demographic decline.85 We assume, however, that migrations caused by the abolition of the “vlach” status, were the main reason of the population decline. It is apparent, for instance, that all the villages of the Prizren nahiye whose population decreased more than the average in the entire nahiye (from 40% to 70%) were located in the elevated areas, on the slopes of the Šar Mountains, Crnoljeva, etc. It is known that numerous mvillages had “vlach” status. Migrations which occurred so that the privileged status could be preserved, were also the cause of the constant stagnation of population in the nahiye of Trgovište, beginning in the second half of the 15th century.

Villages of the Žežna nahiye, belonging to the mine Žežna, had the largest population decline (41%) until 1550. Over the next two decades, the trend had continued, and the total population loss in 1571 amounted to 62%. This was caused by local migrations conditioned by the reorganization of the mines in the region of Rogozna and Podbukovik.86

Economy

As a mountainous area, the sancak of Prizren was particularly well suited for animal husbandry, and especially for sheep breeding. Sheep farming employed almost every rural household. In particular, inhabitants of the Gora nahiye had numerous flocks, due to the easiest access to rich Šar Mountain pastures. It is hard to estimate how many sheep there were in the southern parts of sancak because we do not have relevant data. Given the extremely favorable conditions there had to be at least three times more than in the northern nahiyes of Trgovište and Bihor, where in the eighties of the 16th century, about 160.000 sheeps existed.87

Considerable production of leather was indicator of significant sheep farming. Prizren, according to numerous Ragusian sources, was the greatest center of Kosovo and Metohija for the production of goat, kid and sheep leather. The greatest demand was in goatskin and kidskin, so called cordovans, named after the Spanish city of Cordoba, in which a new way of tanning was first applied. Prizren tanneries were supplied in raw skin from the surrounding areas, from the Šar Mountains, the region of Dukagjin, Prokletije and other mountain areas. Ready-made leather was sold in Italy, especially in Venice, Genoa, Florence, Ancona and Messina, followed by France, England and the German lands.88

The town of Prizren was well known for its production of silk. Silkworm had been cultivated since the 14th century around the monasteries of Dečani and Holy Archangels, in Prizren, Koriša and Mušutište, as well as in the region of the Donji Pilot (Pulate) in northern Albania.89 The Ragusians exported considerable quantities of Prizren silk to Venice at the time and later during the Ottoman rule.90

Large mulberry orchards that existed in Koriša and Mušutište in the 14th century also existed in the 16th century. These two villages were the only villages that paid taxes for silk cocoons (resm-i kokon; resm-i gügül), which means that the production was on a somewhat larger scale.91 In other villages, as well as in the town of Prizren, breeding of silkworms was not taxed. The folk tradition testifies that almost every house in the town had several mulberry trees, and that households engaged in the production of cocoons.

Relatively high annual income from weighing scale for silk (mizan-i harir) implied a noteworthy production and commerce. It varied from 120.000 akçes in the first half of the 16th century to 150.000 akçes in the second half of the century and belonged to the sultan’s has.92 Similarly, the petition of Prizren silk producers93 from 1576 is an indicator of sizable manufacture. Zaim Mustafa, lessee of Prizren’s silk weighing scale, who submitted the petition in the name of ipekçis, asked the state not to enlist them as celeps, as they, as he stated, had neither time, nor money for the job. He pointed out that, since the Conquest, the kaza of Prizren was acquitted of giving celeps because many people already had extraordinary duties: charcoal deliveries to mint in Novo Brdo, some charcoal and beams for mine Žežna, while ipekçis anyway had too much work.94

The highest income of the Ottoman state stemmed from the mining. Small mine Koriša near Prizren, which was functioning in the first half of the 16th century did not make particularly large profit because, apparently was about to close.95 Mine Žežna, however, was fourth in the production of silver in the European part of the Ottoman Empire, in the last decades of the 16th century. Its six-year lease (1585/6-1591/2) was 861.036 dirhams, or 2645 kg of pure silver (calculated at Tabriz dirhams) and 940.000 akçes.96

Viticulture, wine production and wine trade were widespread in the southern part of the sancak of Prizren. The nahiye of Hoča had by far the largest wine production.97 The grapes were also grown at a large scale in the nahiye of Prizren. Wine was sold wholesale in Prizren and on village markets around the sancak, especially those along the main roads, as well as in Rogozna and Banjska derbends where travelers and caravans stayed overnight. The largest wine markets, besides Prizren, were Hoča and Trgovište.

Wine was sold at retail in taverns and inns throughout the sancak. The defters, however, registered the taverns (meyhanes) only in the nahiye of Hoča, which paid 6 akçes per year (resm-i meyhâne).98

Apart from leather, silk and wine there was a lot of trade in linen fabrics, wax and other craft products in Prizren.99 Being on the road that led from the Adriatic Sea to the rich mining areas of Kosovo (via de Zenta), Prizren had become a large commercial center.

Conclusion

The sancak of Prizren was in a hinterland of the Ottoman Empire, since its establishment in the 15th century to the late 17th century. Therefore its economic and demographic development progressed without abrupt changes typical for the border areas. Migration of the population with “vlach” status in the first half of the 16th century was the only demographic movement worth mentioning. However, since the Great War (1683-1699) history of this region became more tumultuous. The sancak and the very town of Prizren became a hub of the war operations in 1689/90 which resulted in emigration of the Serbs from the southern part of the sancak and settling of the Albanian newcomers in the abandoned villages. The same population movement occurred in Austro-Turkish War 1737-1739. The Ottoman Turks, mostly from the regions conquered by the Habsburg Monarchy, also migrated to the territory of the sancak of Prizren. During the 18th century the process of conversion to Islam became more intense than before. In spite of these social changes, the southern part of the sancak kept its multi-ethnic and multi-confessional character. In the nineties of the 20th century, Prizren was still the only trilingual city in the Balkans.

  1. Hasan Kaleši, “Jedna prizrenska i dve vučitrnske kanunname”, Glasnik Muzeja Kosova i Metohije, Vol. II, Priština 1957, p. 289-300; Idem, “Prizrenac Kukli-beg i njegove zadužbine”, Prilozi za Orijentalnu Filologiju, Vol. VIII-IX, Sarajevo 1959, p. 143-168 (co-authored with Redžep Ismail); Idem, “Kada je crkva Svete Bogorodice Ljeviške u Prizrenu pretvorena u džamiju”, Prilozi za književnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, Vol. XXVII/3-4, Beograd 1962, p. 253-261; Idem, “Prizren kao kulturni centar za vreme turskog perioda”, Gjurmime Albanologjike, Vol. I, Priština 1962, p. 91-118; Idem, “Das Wilajet Prizren: Beitrag zur Geschichte der Türkishen Staatsreform auf dem Balkan im Jahrhundert”, Südost-Forschungen, Vol. 26, München-Oldenbourg 1967, p. 176-238 (co-authored with Hans-Jürgen Kornrumpf); Idem, “Prizrenac Mahmud-paša Rotul, njegove zadužbine i vakufnama”, Starine Kosova i Metohije, Vol. VI-VII, Priština 1973, p. 23-60 (co-authored with Ismail Eren) ↩︎
  2. Olga Zirojević, “Vučitrnski i Prizrenski sandžak u svetlosti turskog popisa 1530/31. godine”, Gjurmime Albanologjike, Vol. II, Priština 1968, p. 103-120; Idem, “Цркве и манастири у призренском санџаку”, Косовско-метохијски зборник, Vol. 1, Београд 1990, p. 133-141; Idem, “Кроз бихорску нахију 1571. године”, Симпозијум Сеоски дани Сретена Вукосављевића, Vol. XIV, Пријепоље 1992, p. 173-190; Idem, “Насеља нахије Трговиште 1571. године”, Новопазарски зборник, Vol. 18, Нови Пазар 1994, p. 31-53: Idem, “Prizren Şehri, Đslamiyet ve Hırisıtıyanlığın Beraber Yaşamının Bir Örneği“, XI Türk Tarih Kongresi, cilt V, Ankara 1994, p. 2115-2122; Idem, “Призрен у дефтеру из 1571. године”, Историјски часопис, Vol. 38, Београд 1991, p. 243-263 ↩︎
  3. Machiel Kiel,“Prizren”, The Encyclopaedia of Islam, new edition, Vol. VIII, Leiden 1995. About Prizren Muslim endowments see also Raif Vırmiça, Suzi ve Vakıf Eserleri, Priştine, 1998; Idem, Prizren’de Türk Dönemi Kültür Mirasi, Prizren 2009; Idem, Kukli Mehmet Bey Vakfiyesi, Ankara 2010. ↩︎
  4. Татјана Катић, Опширни попис Призренског санџака из 1571. године, Београд 2010; Idem, “Приходи кадилука Призрен од трговине свилом, рудника Корише и осталог (1525-1545. године)”, Мешовита грађа (Miscellanea), Vol. XXX, Београд 2009, p. 23-39; Idem, “Вилајет Пастриц (Паштрик) 1452/53. године”, Miscellanea, Vol. XXXI , Београд 2010, p. 39-74; Idem, “Тврђава Бихор у 15. и 16. веку”, Ђурђеви ступови и Будимљанска епархија, Беране – Београд 2011, p. 483-498; Idem, “Попис зеамета и тимара области Брвеник из 1477. године”, Miscellanea, Vol. XXXII, Београд 2011, p. 157-190 (co-authored with Gordana Garić-Petrović); Yücel Yiğit, “Prizren Sancağı’nın Đdari Yapısı (1864-1912)”, History Studies, Vol. 2/1, Samsun 2010, p. 114-146; Sadullah Gülten, “XVI. Yüzyılda Prizren Kazası”, Uluslararası Sosyal Araştırmalar Dergisi, Vol. 5/20, Ordu 2012, p. 184-199. Idem, “Prizren Vakıflarına Dair”, Uluslararası Sosyal Araştırmalar Dergisi, Vol. 6/24, Ordu 2013, p. 133-141. ↩︎
  5. Љубомир Стојановић, Стари српски родослови и летописи, Београд – Срем. Карловци, 1922, p. 238 ↩︎
  6. Mehmed Neşrî, Kitâb-ı Cihan-Nümâ, Neşrî Tarihi, I-II, (yayınlayanlar Faik Reşit Unat, Mehmed A. Köymen), 2. baskı, Ankara 1987, p. 721; Ibn Kemal (Kemalpaşazâde),
    Tevârih-i Âl-i Osman, VII defter, hazırlayan Şerafettın Turan, Ankara 1954, p. 117-120. ↩︎
  7. BOA (Istanbul, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Osmanlı Arşivi), Maliyeden Müdevver Defter (MAD) nu.12, , published in Турски документи за историјата на македонскиот народ,Опширни пописни дефтери од XV век, том III, под редакција на Методија Соколоски, Скопје 1976. About the dating of MAD 12, see Ibid, 10, 15. ↩︎
  8. Ibid, 132; MAD 12, p. 120. ↩︎
  9. Istanbul, Büyükşehir Belediyesi Atatürk Kitaplığı, Muallim Cevdet Evrakı, 36-03, p. 15, Full title of the defter is “Sûret-i defter-i voynugān-i sancak-ı Alacahisār ve vilâyet-i Đzveçan ve Yeleç ve Ras ve Seniçe ve Hodidede ve vilâyet-i Vılk ki taalluk-ı sancak-ı Vılçitrin ve sancak-ı Prizrin”. ↩︎
  10. Иван Божић, Дубровник и Турска у XIV и XV веку, Београд 1952, p. 32. ↩︎
  11. Ibn Kemal (Kemalpaşazâde), Tevârih-i Âl-i Osman, IV. Defter, (hazırlayan Koji Imazawa), Ankara 2000. ↩︎
  12. Михаило Динић, “Област Бранковића”, у Српске земље у средњем веку, Београд 1978, p. 154-155, 161; И. Божић, op. cit., 17, 32. Милош Благојевић, “О издаји или невери Вука Бранковића”, Зборник Матице српске за историју, Vol. 79-80, Београд 2009, p. 38-39. ↩︎
  13. М. Динић, “Област Бранковића”, 174; И. Божић, Дубровник и Турска, 38; Олга Зиројевић, Турско војно уређење у Србији 1459-1683, Београд 1974, p. 34-35 ↩︎
  14. O. Зиројевић, op. cit., 36-39; Историја српског народа II, Београд 1982, p. 212-217, 222. ↩︎
  15. Историја српског народа II, p. 228. ↩︎
  16. There is only one preserved defter of Albanian lands south of Kroia dated 1431. Halil Inalcik, Hicrî 835 tarihli Sûret-i Defter-i Sancak-i Arvanid, Ankara 1987 (2. Baskı)., p. XVII-XVIII. ↩︎
  17. BOA, MAD 12, p. 33b; Татјана Катић, “Вилајет Пастриц (Паштрик) 1452/53. Године”, Мешовита грађа (Miscellanea) XXXI, Београд 2010, p. 39-74 ↩︎
  18. Hazim Šabanović, Krajište Isa-bega Ishakovića. Zbirni katastarski popis iz 1455. godine, Sarajevo 1964. ↩︎
  19. Idem, Bosanski pašaluk, Sarajevo 1982, p. 33. ↩︎
  20. O. Зиројевић, op. cit., 40-41. ↩︎
  21. Историја српског народа II, 241-251. M. Динић, “Област Бранковића”, 175 ↩︎
  22. See note 9. ↩︎
  23. BOA, Defterhâne-i Âmire Tahrîr Defteri (TD) nu. 5m. ↩︎
  24. Ibid, p. 3, 4, 24-27, also Татјана Катић, Гордана Гарић-Петровић, “Османски Алтин (Алтун-или) 1477. Године”, Miscellanea, XXXIII, Београд 2012, p. 93-112. ↩︎
  25. BOA, TD 5m, p. 5-23, 32-61. For district of Brvenik see Т. Катић, Г. Гарић-Петровић, “Попис зеамета и тимара области Брвеник из 1477. Године”, Miscellanea, XXXII, Београд 2011, p. 157-190. ↩︎
  26. BOA, TD 5m, p. 28-32. ↩︎
  27. See Selami Pulaha, Defteri i Regjistrimit të sanxhakut të Shkodrës i vitit 1485, I-II, Tiranë 1974. ↩︎
  28. See Adem Handžić, Dva prva popisa Zvorničkog sandžaka iz 1519. i 1533. godine, Sarajevo 1986. ↩︎
  29. BOA, TD 92. ↩︎
  30. See map of the Albanian hases in 167 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri (937/1530), Vol. II, Ankara 2004, p. 136. Only a few villages of Debar nahiye were
    under the jurisdiction of the Albanian hases’s kadı. The majority of Debar villages (nahiyes of Upper and Lower Debar) belonged to the sancak of Ohrid. For more details see Драги Ѓоргиев, Населението во македонско-албанскиот граничен појас (XV-XVI век), Скопје 2009, p. 22-43. ↩︎
  31. 167 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri (937/1530), Vol. II, p. 371-400. TD 167 is a summarized compilation of previous defters; data relating to the incomes of the Prizren sancak were literally copied from defter dating from 1518 (TD 92). ↩︎
  32. BOA, TD 368. The nahiye of Hoča was first mentioned in 1541. BOA, MAD 34, p. 419. ↩︎
  33. About the establishment of mining has, and nahiye of Žežna see Срђан Катић, Татјана Катић, “Рудник Жежна и рударство Рогозне и Подбуковика у 16. Веку”,
    Историјски часопис, Vol. LIX, Београд 2010, p. 200-202. ↩︎
  34. BOA, TD 499. Part of the material is published in Selami Pulaha, Popullsia shqiptare e Kosovë gjatë shek. XV-XVI: (Studime dhe dokumente), Tiranë 1984, 169-246. It should be noted that it was Dukadjin sancakbeyi Kasim as defteremini that monitored a census in the sancaks of Prizren, Dukadjin and Skadar in 1566-1568. (7 Numaralı Mühimme Defteri (975-976 / 1567-1569), Özet-Transkripsiyon-Indeks, Vol. III, Ankara 1999, p. 175, h. 2322.. For more details see Т. Катић, op. cit., 11-12). ↩︎
  35. BOA, TD 495, published in Татјана Катић, Опширни попис Призренског санџака из 1571. године, Београд 2010. ↩︎
  36. Ankara, Tapu Kadastro Kuyud-i Kadim Arşivi, Prizren sancağı mufassal defteri nu 55. ↩︎
  37. In the first half of the sixteenth century Prizren sancakbeyi had 263.000 akçes at his disposal while the sancakbeyis of Smederevo and Vidin had 622.000 and 580.000 akçes respectively. Ömer Lütfi Barkan, “H. 933-934 (M. 1527-1528) Malî Yılına Ait Bir Bütçe Örneği”, Iktisat Fakültesi Mecmuası, Vol. 15/1-4, Istanbul 1955, p. 303. ↩︎
  38. According to TD 92 from 1518, there were about 270 sipahis, as well as in the middle of the sixteenth century (TD 368). ↩︎
  39. Istanbul, Büyükşehir Belediyesi Atatürk Kitaplığı, Muallim Cevdet Evrakı, 36-03, p. 125-145. ↩︎
  40. According to census of the Skadar sancak from 1485, 33 voynuks (two of them were cebelis) and 167 yamaks in nahiyes of Trgovište and Bihor were under the command of the governor of Skadar. S. Pulaha, Defteri i Regjistrimit, Vol. II, p. 369, 411. ↩︎
  41. Радомир Ивановић, “Дечански катуни”, Историски часопис, Vol. III, Београд 1952, p. 260-261; Idem, „Властелинство манастира св. Арханђела“, Историјски часопис, Vol. VIII, Београд 1958, p. 218, 228. ↩︎
  42. BOA, TD 5m, p. 28-29; BOA, TD 92, p. 26-45. ↩︎
  43. BOA, TD 92, p. 13-14, 29, 38-39, 41, 45, 55-56. ↩︎
  44. Ibid. 14, 29, 45, 55, 56. ↩︎
  45. BOA, TD 368, p. 114. ↩︎
  46. Т. Катић, Опширни попис Призренског санџака из 1571. године, 83 ↩︎
  47. BOA, TD 368, p. 224-294 et passim. ↩︎
  48. Ibid, 301-348 et passim. ↩︎
  49. More about voynuks: obligations in Ömer Lütfi Barkan, XV ve XVI’ıncı asırlarda Osmanlı Đmparatorluğunda Zirai Ekonominin Hukukî ve Malî Esasları, I cilt Kanunlar,
    Istanbul 1943, p. 265-266 ↩︎
  50. For more details see maps in Т. Катић, Опширни попис Призренског санџака из 1571. године, 608-610. ↩︎
  51. Митар Пешикан, Зетско-хумско-рашка имена на почетку турског доба, Београд 1984. ↩︎
  52. Some of the traditional Serbian names are: Radič, Radonja, Večerin, Vučihna, Cvetko, Živko, Petak, Bogosav, Miloš, Stojan, Božić, Vuk, Sladoje, Tvrdeša, Veselin. Traditional Albanian names are: Pepa, Gac, Doč, Nina, Kola, ðin, Bic, Prend, Gika, ðon, Data, Vaka, Pric, Jupa, Mic, Ler ↩︎
  53. Tsar Stephen Dušan gifted the monastery of the Holy Archangels 8 katuns of Vlach shepherds (about 500 families): Guncati, Jančišta, Golubovci, Kostrečani, Sinainci, Pinušinci, Dragoljevci i Blatce, as well as 9 Albanian katuns: Đinovci, Mađerci, Bjeloglavci, Flokovci, Crnča, Caparci, Gonovci, Špinadija i Novaci. Many of these katuns existed today as villages and hamlets. Радомир Ивановић, “Катунска насеља на манастирским властелинствима”, Историски часопис, Vol. V, Београд 1955, p. 401. ↩︎
  54. Миленко Филиповић, “Структура и организација средњовековног катуна”, Симпозијум о средњовјековном катуну одржан 24. и 25. новембра 1961. г., Сарајево 1963, p. 50-52 ↩︎
  55. Small groups of ethnic Vlachs still live on the mountain of Pind, in Thessaly, Epirus and Macedonia. Ibid., 54. ↩︎
  56. As a compensation for their services “vlachs” had many privileges, for example, instead of paying the cizye per capita they paid filuri per household (hâne), regardless of the number of adult male members.For more details see Nicoară Beldiceanu, Sur les Valaques des Balkans Slaves a l’Époque Ottoman (1450-1550), Extrait de la Revue des Études Islamiques, Année 1966, Paris 1967; Nedim Filipović, “Vlasi i uspostava timarskog sistema u Hercegovini”, Godišnjak ANUBIH, Vol. 12, Sarajevo 1974, p. 127-221; Душанка Бојанић, Turski zakoni i zakonski propisi iz 15. i 16. veka za smederevsku, kruševačku i vidinsku oblast, Beograd 1974; Idem, “Власи у северној Србији и њихови први кануни”, Историјски часопис, Vol. XVIII, Београд 1971, p. 255-269; Idem, Јадар у XVI и XVII веку, Лозница 1985, 77-191; Idem, “Шта значе подаци о Сјеничким власима у попису из 1455. Године”, Историјски часопис, Vol. XXXIV, Београд 1987, p. 97-111. ↩︎
  57. BOA, MAD 7534, p. 854, 1315; T. Катић, Опширни попис Призренског санџака из године, p. 280, 281, 284, 285, 287, 291, 295, 314, 332. ↩︎
  58. Today Šadrvan square. ↩︎
  59. Константин Јиречек, Историја Срба, II, Београд 1952, p. 165, 167, 181, 192, 202, 368; Милош Благојевић, “Град и жупа – међе градског друштва”, in Социјална структура српских градских насеља (XII-XVIII век), Београд-Смедерево 1992, p. 67-84; Татјана Катић, “Приходи кадилука Призрен од трговине свилом, рудника Корише и осталог (1525-1545. године)”, Мешовита грађа (Miscellanea), Vol. XXX, Београд 2009, p. 23-25; Серафим Николић, Призрен од средњег века до савременог доба (урбанистичко-архитектонски развој), Призрен 1998, p. 122-141. Prizren kept growing regardless of fact that Dubrovnik merchants temporary left it in 1433. (Konstantin Jiriček, “Trgovački putevi i rudnici Srbije i Bosne u srednjem vijeku”, Zbornik Konstantina Jirečeka, I, Beograd 1959, p. 283). For the opposite opinion see Sadullah Gülten, “Prizren Vakıflarına Dair”, Uluslararası Sosyal Araştırmalar Dergisi, Vol. 6/24, Ordu 2013, p. 133. ↩︎
  60. 167 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri (937/1530), Vol. II, p. 372, 392; BOA, TD 368, p. 463. T. Катић, Опширни попис Призренског санџака из 1571. године, p. 551. ↩︎
  61. Mescid was reconstructed several times. Latter it became known as Arasta Mosque. Hasan Kaleši, Ismail Redžep, “Prizrenac Kukli-beg i njegove zadužbine”, Prilozi za Orijentalnu Filologiju, Vol. VIII-IX, Sarajevo 1959, p. 159. ↩︎
  62. Ibid; Олга Зиројевић, “Призрен у дефтеру из 1571. године”, Историјски часопис, Vol. 38, Београд 1991, p. 243-263; Machiel Kiel, “Prizren”, The Encyclopaedia of Islam, new edition, Vol. VIII, Leiden 1995; Raif Vırmiça, Suzi ve Vakıf Eserleri, Priştine, 1998; Idem, Prizren’de Türk Dönemi Kültür Mirasi, Prizren 2009; Idem, Kukli Mehmet Bey Vakfiyesi, Ankara 2010; S. Gülten, op. cit., 133-141. ↩︎
  63. BOA, TD 368, p. 464. ↩︎
  64. T. Катић, op. cit., 553. ↩︎
  65. M. Kiel, “Prizren”, p. 339. ↩︎
  66. R. Vırmiça, Suzi ve Vakıf Eserleri, p. 39 ↩︎
  67. According to the vakfiye, his father’s name was Hayruddin (H. Kaleši, I. Redžep, op. cit., 158, 163) while as stated in TD 495, it was Hızır. Т. Катић, op. cit., 56, 551, 552 ↩︎
  68. H. Kaleši, I. Redžep, op. cit., 144. ↩︎
  69. Ibid, 159-160. Mehmed Bey’s second wife, Huriya also had her small endowment intended for the well-being of the Prizren inhabitants. She allocated revenue from 15 Prizren shops for the maintenance of the town fountains. Т. Катић, op. cit., 552. ↩︎
  70. M. Kiel, op. cit., 338. ↩︎
  71. These churches were built in the 14th and 15th century and some of them still exist today. For more details see С. Николић, op. cit., 101-112. ↩︎
  72. Т. Катић, op. cit., 56-60. ↩︎
  73. Idem, 58-59, 61. ↩︎
  74. Idem, 51-55; С. Николић, op. cit., 174-176. ↩︎
  75. BOA, TD 5m; Методије Соколоски, “Исламизација у Македонији у XV и XVI веку”, Историјски часопис, Vol. XXII, Београд 1975, p. 77. ↩︎
  76. 167 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri, Vol. II, p. 372, 392-393, 400 ↩︎
  77. About 54% of the registered Muslims were of local Christian origin, i.e. “sons of Abdullah”. ↩︎
  78. BOA, TD 368, p. 43-45. ↩︎
  79. BOA, TD 495, p. 37-41; Т. Катић, op. cit., 51-56. The same was in 1591 despite the fact the number of Prizren inhabitants decreased in the second half of the 16th century. TK 55, p. 13a-16b. ↩︎
  80. Janissary Mustafa son of Vukča, Hasan Petko, Ahmed Lika, Hasan Lika and Mahmud Lika, sons of Lika Bard, Mustafa Radič, Hasan Džoš, Sulejman ðon, etc. Т. Катић, op. cit., 133, 172, 174, 187, 218 et passim. ↩︎
  81. In the same time nahiye of Paštrik had 0,2% of Muslims, Gora 0,3%, Domštica 0,4%, Rudina 0,8%. There where no Muslims in nahiye of Radovina. 167 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri, Vol. II, p. 395-400. ↩︎
  82. BOA, TD 368. ↩︎
  83. BOA, TD 499, p. 250-262. ↩︎
  84. Bogumil Hrabak, “Kuga u balkanskim zemljama pod Turcima od 1450 do 1600 godine”, Istoriski glasnik, Vol. 1-2, Beograd 1957, p. 19-37 ↩︎
  85. Villages of the Hoča nahiye, near the White Drin River lost 40% – 60% of their population. ↩︎
  86. Срђан Катић, Татјана Катић, “Рудник Жежна и рударство Рогозне и Подбуковика у 16. Веку”, Историјски часопис, Vol. LIX, Београд 2010, p. 206 ↩︎
  87. Hamid Hadžibegić, “Zvanični podaci o stočnom fondu na području Novog Pazara, Trgovišta i Bihora iz 1585. Godine”, Istorijski Zapisi, god. XXII, knj. XXVI, Vol. 4, Titograd 1969, p. 586-616 ↩︎
  88. Tома Поповић, “Кордовани и монтонини у балканском извозу XVI века”, Историјски часопис, Vol. XXXVI, Београд 1989, p. 65-66, 78 ↩︎
  89. Синиша Мишић, Татјана Суботин-Голубовић, Светоарханђеловска хрисовуља, Београд 2003, p. 89-91, 94, 99. ↩︎
  90. Pужа Ћук, “Извоз свиле из Дубровника у Венецију у XIV веку”, Историјски часопис, Vol. XXVIII, Београд 1981, p. 17-25. ↩︎
  91. Т. Катић, Опширни попис Призренског санџака из 1571. године, 36, 68. ↩︎
  92. BOA, TD 92, p. 1; 167 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri, Vol. II, p. 371; Т. Катић, op. cit., 34. ↩︎
  93. There were 20 ipekçi in Prizren according to census of 1571. Т. Катић, op. cit., 51-55. ↩︎
  94. BOA, MAD 7534, p. 999. ↩︎
  95. 167 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri, Vol. II, p. 371. The three-year lease of the Koriša mine, has and several smaller revenues amounted to 165.000 akçes. Lessees and managers of Koriša in 1526 and 1532 were Christians. BOA, MAD 656, p. 314. ↩︎
  96. Срђан Катић, “Закупи рудника и хасова Жежна из 1585/6 и 1591/2. Године”, Мешовита грађа (Miscellanea), Vol. XXXIV, Београд 2013, forthcoming. ↩︎
  97. The number of vineyards increased considerably in the second half of the 16th century. TK 55, p. 51b-79a. ↩︎
  98. There were taverns in the villages of Velika Hoča, Ravna Dubrava, Orahovac, Opteruša and Zočište. Ibid, 51b, 52a, 54a, 55b, 56b; Т. Катић, op. cit., 166, 168, 173, 178, 181. ↩︎
  99. Merchants from Kotor erected chandlery in Prizren in the beginning of the fourteenth century. During the Ottoman rule, revenue of Prizren şemhane belonged to the sultan. BOA, TD 368, p. 15; Т. Катић, op. cit., 34. ↩︎

Bibliography
Archival Documents
Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi, Istanbul
Maliyeden Müdevver Defterleri: 12, 34, 656, 7534.
Tapu Tahrir Defterleri: 5m, 92, 368, 495, 499.
Istanbul Büyükşehir Belediyesi Atatürk Kitaplığı
Muallim Cevdet Evrakı, 36-03.
Tapu Kadastro Kuyûd-ı Kadîme Arşivi, Ankara
TK 55.
Printed Sources
167 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri (937/1530), Vol. II, Ankara
2004.
7 Numaralı Mühimme Defteri (975-976 / 1567-1569), Özet-Transkripsiyon-Indeks, Vol.
III, Ankara 1999.
BARKAN, Ömer Lütfi, XV ve XVI’ıncı asırlarda Osmanlı Đmparatorluğunda Zirai
Ekonominin Hukukî ve Malî Esasları, I cilt Kanunlar, Istanbul 1943.
, “H. 933-934 (M. 1527-1528) Malî yılına Ait Bir Bütçe Örneği”, Đktisat Fakültesi Mecmuası, Vol. 15/1-4, Istanbul 1955, p. 251-329. BELDICEANU, Nicoară, Sur les Valaques des Balkans Slaves al’Époque Ottoman (1450-1550), Extrait de la Revue des Études Islamiques, Année 1966, Paris 1967. БЛАГОЈЕВИЋ, Милош, “Град и жупа – међе градског друштва”, in Социјална структура српских градских насеља (XII-XVIII век), Београд- Смедерево 1992, p. 67-84. (Blagojević, Miloš, “Town and zhupa – boundaries of urban society” in Social Structure of the Serbian Urban Settlements (XII-XVIII century), Beograd-Smederevo 1992, p. 67-84.) __, “О издаји или невери Вука Бранковића”, Зборник Матице српске за
историју, Vol. 79-80, Београд 2009, p. 7-42. (“On betrayal or
unfaithfulness of Vuk Branković”, Zbornik Matice srpske za istoriju, Vol. 79-
80, Београд 2009, p. 7-42.)
БОЈАНИЋ, Душанка, “Власи у северној Србији и њихови први кануни”,
Историјски часопис, Vol. XVIII, Београд 1971, p. 255-269. (Bojanić,
Dušanka, “The Vlachs in north Serbia and their first kanuns”, Istorijski
časopis, Vol. XVIII, Београд 1971, p. 255-269.

, Turski zakoni i zakonski propisi iz 15. i 16. veka za smederevsku,
kruševačku i vidinsku oblast, Beograd 1974. (Turkish Law Codes and Regulations
from the XV and XVI century concerning the regions of Smederevo, Kruševac and
Vidin, Beograd 1974.)
, Јадар у XVI и XVII веку, Лозница 1985, p. 77-191. (Jadar in the XVI and XVII century, Loznica 1985, p. 77-191.) _, “Шта значе подаци о Сјеничким власима у попису из 1455.
Године”, Историјски часопис, Vol. XXXIV, Београд 1987, p. 97-111.
(„What does the data on the Sjenica Vlachs from the 1455 census mean“,
Istorijski časopis, Vol. XXXIV, Beograd 1987, p. 97-111.)
БОЖИЋ, Иван, Дубровник и Турска у XIV и XV веку, Београд 1952. (Božić,
Ivan, Dubrovnik and Turkey in the XIV and XV century, Beograd 1952.)
ЋУК, Ружа, “Извоз свиле из Дубровника у Венецију у XIV веку”,
Историјски часопис, Vol. XXVIII, Београд 1981, p. 17-25. (Ćuk, Ruža,
“The export of silk from Dubrovnik to Venice in the XV century”,
Istorijski časopis, Vol. XXVIII, Beograd 1981, p. 17-25.)
ДИНИЋ, Михаило, “Област Бранковића”, у Српске земље у средњем веку,
Београд 1978, p. 148-177. (Dinić, Mihailo, „The Land of Branković“, in
The Serbian Lands in the Middle Ages, Beograd 1978, p. 148-177.)
ФИЛИПОВИЋ, Миленко, “Структура и организација средњовековног
катуна”, Симпозијум о средњовјековном катуну одржан 24. и 25. новембра

  1. г., Сарајево 1963, p. 45-112. (Filipović, Milenko, „Structure and
    organization of the medieval katun“, Symposium оn medieval katun held 24-25
    November 1961, Sarajevo 1963, p. 45-112.)
    FILIPOVIĆ, Nedim, “Vlasi i uspostava timarskog sistema u Hercegovini”,
    Godišnjak ANUBIH, Vol. 12, Sarajevo 1974, p. 127-221.
    ЃОРГИЕВ, Драги, Населението во македонско-албанскиот граничен појас (XV-
    XVI век), Скопје 2009. (Gjorgiev, Dragi, Population along the Macedonian-
    Albanian border during the 15th and 16th centuries, Skopje 2009.)
    GÜLTEN, Sadullah, “XVI. Yüzyılda Prizren Kazası”, Uluslararası Sosyal
    Araştırmalar Dergisi, Vol. 5/20, Ordu 2012, p. 184-199.
    __, “Prizren Vakıflarına Dair”, Uluslararası Sosyal Araştırmalar Dergisi,
    Vol. 6/24, Ordu 2013, p. 133-141.
    HADŽIBEGIĆ, Hamid, “Zvanični podaci o stočnom fondu na području
    Novog Pazara, Trgovišta i Bihora iz 1585. godine”, Istorijski Zapisi, god.
    XXII, knj. XXVI, Vol. 4, Titograd 1969, p. 586-616.

HRABAK, Bogumil, “Kuga u balkanskim zemljama pod Turcima od 1450 do
1600 godine”, Istoriski glasnik, Vol. 1-2, Beograd 1957, p. 19-37.
ĐNALCIK, Halil, Hicrî 835 tarihli Sûret-i Defter-i Sancak-i Arvanid, Ankara 1987
(2. Baskı).
Историја српског народа II, група аутора, Београд 1982. (The History of the Serbian
people II, group author, Beograd 1982.)
ИВАНОВИЋ, Радомир, “Дечански катуни”, Историски часопис, Vol. III,
Београд 1952, p. 257-264. (Ivanović, Radomir, “The Katuns of Dečani”,
Istorijski časopis, Vol. III, Beograd 1952, p. 257-264.)
, “Катунска насеља на манастирским властелинствима”, Историски часопис, Vol. V, Београд 1955, p. 398-411. (“Katun settlements on the monasterial manors”; Istoriski časopis, Vol. V, Beograd 1955, p. 398-411.) , “Властелинство манастира св. Арханђела”, Историјски часопис, Vol.
VIII, Београд 1958, p. 209-253. (“The manor of the Monastery of Holy
Archangels”, Istorijski časopis, Vol. VIII, Beograd 1958, p. 209-253.)
JIRIČEK, Konstantin, “Trgovački putevi i rudnici Srbije i Bosne u srednjem
vijeku”, Zbornik Konstantina Jirečeka, I, Beograd 1959, p. 205-303.
, Историја Срба, II, Београд 1952. (The History of the Serbs, II, Beograd 1952.) KALEŠI, Hasan, “Jedna prizrenska i dve vučitrnske kanunname”, Glasnik Muzeja Kosova i Metohije, Vol. II, Priština 1957, p. 289-300. , Ismail, Redžep, “Prizrenac Kukli-beg i njegove zadužbine”, Prilozi za
Orijentalnu Filologiju, Vol. VIII-IX, Sarajevo 1959, p. 143-168.
, “Kada je crkva Svete Bogorodice Ljeviške u Prizrenu pretvorena u džamiju”, Prilozi za književnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, Vol. XXVII/3-4, Beograd 1962, p. 253-261. _, “Prizren kao kulturni centar za vreme turskog perioda”, Gjurmime
Albanologjike, Vol. I, Priština 1962, p. 91-118.
, Kornrumpf, Hans-Jürgen “Das Wilajet Prizren: Beitrag zur Geschichte der Türkishen Staatsreform auf dem Balkan im 19. Jahrhundert”, Südost- Forschungen, Vol. 26, München-Oldenbourg 1967, p. 176-238. __, Ismail, Eren, “Prizrenac Mahmud-paša Rotul, njegove zadužbine i
vakufnama”, Starine Kosova i Metohije, Vol. VI-VII, Priština 1973, p. 23-60.
КАТИЋ, Срђан, “Закупи рудника и хасова Жежна из 1585/6 и 1591/2.
Године”, Мешовита грађа (Miscellanea), Vol. XXXIV, Београд 2013.
(Katić, Srñan, “The leases of the Žežna mines and hases dated 1585/6 and

1591/2.“, Mešovita graña (Miscellanea), Vol. XXXIV, Beograd 2013),
forthcoming.
, Катић, Татјана, “Рудник Жежна и рударство Рогозне и
Подбуковика у 16. Веку”, Историјски часопис, Vol. LIX, Београд 2010, p.
197-224. (, Katić, Tatjana, “The Žežna mine and mining of Rogozna and Podbukovik in the XVI century”, Istorijski časopis, Vol. LIX, Београд 2010, p. 197-224.) КАТИЋ, Татјана, “Приходи кадилука Призрен од трговине свилом, рудника Корише и осталог (1525-1545. године)”, Мешовита грађа (Miscellanea), Vol. XXX, Београд 2009, p. 23-39. (Katić, Tatjana, “The Prizren kaza’s incomes from silk trade, the mine of Koriša and other (1525.-1545)”, Mešovita graña (Miscellanea), Vol. XXX, Beograd 2009, p. 23- 39.) , Опширни попис Призренског санџака из 1571. године, Београд 2010.
(Detailed Register of the Prizren Sancak from 1571., Beograd 2010.)
, “Вилајет Пастриц (Паштрик) 1452/53. Године”, Мешовита грађа (Miscellanea), Vol. XXXI , Београд 2010, p. 39-74. („Vilayet of Pastric (Paštrik) in 1452/53.“, Mešovita graña (Miscellanea), Vol. XXXI, Beograd 2010, p. 39-74.) , “Тврђава Бихор у 15. и 16. Веку”, Ђурђеви ступови и Будимљанска
епархија, Беране – Београд 2011, p. 483-498. (“The fortress of Bihor in
the 15th and 16th century“, Monastery ðurñevi Stupovi and Eparchу of Budimlje,
Berane – Beograd 2011, p. 483-498.)
, Гарић-Петровић, Гордана, “Попис зеамета и тимара области Брвеник из 1477. Године”, Мешовита грађа (Miscellanea), Vol. XXXII, Београд 2011, p. 157-190. (, Garić-Petrović, Gordana, „The Register of
zeamets and timars in the Brvenik region from 1477.“, Mešovita graña
(Miscellanea), Vol. XXXII, Beograd 2011, p. 157-190.)
, “Османски Алтин (Алтун-или) 1477. Године”, Мешовита грађа
(Miscellanea), Vol. XXXIII, Београд 2012, p. 93-112. („The Оttoman Altin
(Altun-ili) in 1477.“, Mešovita graña (Miscellanea), Vol. XXXIII, Beograd
2012, p. 93-112.)
Kemalpaşazâde, Ibn Kemal, Tevârih-i Âl-i Osman, IV. Defter, hazırlayan Koji
Imazawa, Ankara 2000.
, Tevârih-i Âl-i Osman, VII defter, hazırlayan Şerafettın Turan, Ankara
1954.
KIEL, Machiel, “Prizren”, The Encyclopaedia of Islam, new edition, Vol. VIII,
Leiden 1995.

МИШИЋ, Синиша, Суботин-Голубовић, Татјана, Светоарханђеловскахрисовуља, Београд 2003. (Mišić, Siniša, Subotin-Golubović, Tatjana, St.Archangels Chrisoboule, Beograd 2003.)Mehmed Neşrî, Kitâb-ı Cihan-Nümâ, Neşrî Tarihi, I-II, yayınlayanlar Faik ReşitUnat, Mehmed A. Köymen, 2. baskı, Ankara 1987.НИКОЛИЋ, Серафим, Призрен од средњег века до савременог доба (урбанистичко-архитектонски развој), Призрен 1998. (Nikolić, Serafim, Prizren from theMiddle Ages to Modern Times (urban and architectural development), Prizren 1998.)ПЕШИКАН, Митар, Зетско-хумско-рашка имена на почетку турског доба,Београд 1984. (Pešikan, Mitar, The Names from Zeta, Hum and Raška at thebeginning of the Ottoman age, Beograd 1984.)ПОПОВИЋ, Тома, “Кордовани и монтонини у балканском извозу XVIвека”, Историјски часопис, Vol. XXXVI, Београд 1989, p. 65-79. (Popović,Toma, „Cordovans and montons in Balkan export of the XVI century“,Istorijski časopis, Vol. XXXVI, Beograd 1989, p. 65-79.)PULAHA, Selami, Defteri i Regjistrimit të sanxhakut të Shkodrës i vitit 1485, I-II, Tiranë1974._____, Popullsia shqiptare e Kosovë gjatë shek. XV-XVI: (Studime dhe dokumente),Tiranë 1984.СОКОЛОСКИ, Методије, “Исламизација у Македонији у XV и XVI веку”,Историјски часопис, Vol. XXII, Београд 1975, p. 75-89. (Sokoloski,Metodije, „Islamisation in Macedonia in the XV and XVI century“,Istorijski časopis, Vol. XXII, Beograd 1975, p. 75-89.)СТОЈАНОВИЋ, Љубомир, Стари српски родослови и летописи, Београд -Срем. Карловци, 1922. (Stojanović, Ljubomir, The Old Serbian Genealogiesand Chronicles, Beograd – Srem. Karlovci, 1922.)ŠABANOVIĆ, Hazim, Krajište Isa-bega Ishakovića. Zbirni katastarski popis iz 1455.godine, Sarajevo 1964._______, Bosanski pašaluk, Sarajevo 1982.Турски документи за историјата на македонскиот народ, Опширни пописни дефтериод XV век, том III, под редакција на Методија Соколоски, Скопје 1976.(Turkish Documents about the History of the Macedonian People, Detailed registersfrom the XV century, Vol III, ed. Metodije Sokoloski, Skopje 1976)VIRMIÇA, Raif, Suzi ve Vakıf Eserleri, Priştine 1998.______, Prizren’de Türk Dönemi Kültür Mirasi, Prizren 2009.______, Kukli Mehmet Bey Vakfiyesi, Ankara 2010.

YĐĞĐT, Yücel, “Prizren Sancağı’nın Đdari Yapısı (1864-1912)”, History Studies,
Vol. 2/1, Samsun 2010, p. 114-146.
ZIROJEVIĆ, Olga, “Vučitrnski i Prizrenski sandžak u svetlosti turskog popisa
1530/31. godine”, Gjurmime Albanologjike, Vol. II, Priština 1968, p. 103-
120.
, Турско војно уређење у Србији 1459-1683, Београд 1974. (Turkish
Military Organization in Serbia 1459-1683, Beograd 1974.)
, “Цркве и манастири у призренском санџаку”, Косовско-метохијски
зборник, Vol. 1, Београд 1990, p. 133-141. (“Churches and monasteries in
the sandjak of Prizren”, Kosovsko-metohijski zbornik, Vol. 1, Beograd 1990, p.
133-141.)
, “Призрен у дефтеру из 1571. године”, Историјски часопис, Vol. 38,
Београд 1991, p. 243-263. (“Prizren in the defter of 1571.”, Istorijski
časopis, Vol. 38, Beograd 1991, p. 243-263.)
, “Кроз бихорску нахију 1571. године”, Симпозијум Сеоски дани
Сретена Вукосављевића, Vol. XIV, Пријепоље 1992, p. 173-190. (“Across
the nahiye of Bihor in 1571.”, Simpozijum Seoski dani Sretena Vukosavljevića,
Vol. XIV, Prijepolje 1992, p. 173-190.)
, “Насеља нахије Трговиште 1571. године”, Новопазарски зборник,
Vol. 18, Нови Пазар 1994, p. 31-53. (“Settlements of the Trgovište nahiye
in 1571.”, Novopazarski zbornik, Vol. 18, Novi Pazar 1994, p. 31-53.)
, “Prizren şehri, islamiyet ve hırisıtıyanlığın beraber yaşamının bir
örneği“, XI Türk Tarih Kongresi, cilt V, Ankara 1994, p. 2115-2122

Map of our blog posts. Go forth and discover something close to you!

Recent Posts

Subscribe Form

If you would like to be informed when new materials get published *
Twitter Facebook Link

©2024 by Books of Jeremiah

Scroll to Top